The Security Situation in Central Asia under the Context of Major Power Competition: Current State and Prospects

The five Central Asian countries are close neighbors of China, sharing a geographical connection and having a long-standing historical relationship. Since their independence in 1991, the political and economic development of these Central Asian countries has experienced many twists and turns. There have been local political unrest and even armed conflicts, but overall they have been relatively stable, without a prolonged security crisis. At the regional level, Central Asia has maintained a basic state of peace, and this trend is likely to continue for a long time. However, due to the proximity of Central Asia to Afghanistan, which has been in a state of long-term war, and the continuous changes in various internal contradictions within each country, the more stable a country is, the more likely it is to hide huge security risks. Regional conflicts and international changes have further deteriorated the external security environment of Central Asian countries, and the escalation of major powers' geopolitical games has brought new challenges to the long-term stability of the region.

 I. Vulnerability of Security in Central Asia 

Central Asia is located in the heart of the Eurasian continent and serves as a key hub for land transportation between Asia and Europe. As such, it is regarded by many major powers as a "region of vital interests" and they actively exert influence and project power there, resulting in a complex and severe security situation in the region. Against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the stability of the Central Asian region has also been directly impacted, and the economic and social development has encountered more difficulties. The various internal contradictions within the region, the overlapping of neighboring "hotspots", and the influence of power struggles have all affected its security challenges, which have always presented a combination of internal and external characteristics. Therefore, the security situation in the Central Asian region is very complex, with high instability and uncertainty. The deterioration of the external environment has further amplified the internal conflicts and contradictions. The possibility of serious geopolitical, economic and social crises in the future still cannot be ruled out.

(1) Political and social security issues brought about by the transition period 

The five Central Asian countries have been independent for over 30 years. They have gone through a difficult period of exploring the establishment of nation-states. Local unrest and protest activities have occurred multiple times in these Central Asian countries. The causes are complex and include both the intensification of domestic political conflicts and dissatisfaction arising from regional differences. Ethnic and religious factors are also intertwined. External forces have also taken advantage of this to further exacerbate the situation. Additionally, as each country's government has implemented policies to encourage and support traditional cultures, Islam in Central Asia has experienced a rapid revival. The influence of extremism from regions such as West Asia cannot be underestimated. Therefore, the serious problems that may threaten the stability of Central Asia in the future all have deeper social and economic roots, and are closely related to the deterioration of the international environment.

Compared with Middle Eastern countries that have experienced long-term turmoil and acute ethnic and religious conflicts, Central Asian countries have stronger capabilities and determination to resist external infiltration. They can also receive sufficient political support from Russia and China. Each country has established a strong presidential system. However, there are still some anti-government forces within the countries, and Western-funded non-governmental organizations are also quite active. Under the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the social divisions in Central Asian countries are quite severe, and the dissatisfaction of some citizens towards the government has increased. Therefore, there is a possibility of local unrest in Central Asia, which threatens the political stability and regime security of each country. Possible future security issues include: 1. Political unrest, with escalating upper-level political struggles, and different interest groups, regional groups, and ethnic (clan) families competing for power and benefits; 2. Social conflicts (including ethnic and religious conflicts), with serious social or ethnic opposition, and escalation of violent activities; 3. External interference, interfering with Central Asian countries' choice of their own development paths, meddling in the internal affairs of Central Asian countries, and exerting political or economic pressure. The more serious problem is that these three security challenges may occur simultaneously. As Central Asian countries have successively completed power transitions, there has been a phenomenon of gradually solidified interest patterns. The struggles between different political groups and political forces may become more intense, and without being able to maintain the old balance, fierce conflicts may break out to control the regime. If there is external intervention, especially from Western countries, there is a real risk of another "color revolution" in Central Asian countries. In the past, Western countries have carried out so-called "democratic export" for geopolitical purposes, causing social chaos in some countries.

(2) The issue of non-traditional security threats is on the rise. 

The non-traditional security threats in Central Asia cover multiple fields. Originally, these were internal issues. However, due to the "double standards" of the West, the efforts of Central Asian countries to address these threats have been hindered. Some regional powers even played the role of "backstage instigators". The main manifestations are as follows:

Firstly, there is the issue of extremism and terrorism. The Central Asian region has a large Muslim population, with a strong religious tradition and numerous Islamic sects, among which there are some religious organizations with extremist ideas. Due to the close cultural ties between Central Asia and regions in the Middle East where Islamic extremism is deeply rooted, it provides an opportunity for the infiltration of foreign extremist organizations. Additionally, the rural areas have relatively backward economies and secular education is in a shrinking state. The presence of a large number of poor people, unemployment, and those without jobs, provides suitable soil for the spread of extremism. Secondly, there is the problem of drug trafficking and transnational crimes. As Afghanistan, which is adjacent to Central Asia, is the world's largest producer and exporter of drugs, the ongoing civil war in Afghanistan has not been completely resolved yet, and the Taliban regime finds it difficult to effectively suppress drug production and trafficking activities. Central Asia has become one of the main routes for Afghanistan's drugs to reach Europe, and the amount of seized drugs has been increasing year by year. According to the data from the anti-drug department of Tajikistan, in 2022, 4,165 kilograms of drugs were seized, and the quantity reached 5,200 kilograms in 2023. There is also drug cultivation in the mountainous areas in the southern part of Central Asia. Thirdly, there are issues of ecological security and nuclear pollution. The ecological environment in Central Asia is relatively fragile. The disappearance of the Aral Sea has caused a serious ecological disaster in the region, which not only affects the local climate and fishery production, but also directly harms the health of millions of residents in the surrounding areas. During the Soviet era, the coast of Kazakhstan's Aral Sea was once a nuclear test site, and a large amount of nuclear waste was abandoned and buried there. The radioactive substances in these nuclear wastes are likely to pollute water sources and the air. Moreover, the large-scale resource development after the region's independence has also brought new environmental problems.

(3) Risks related to economic security and cultural security still exist. 

Although the Central Asian countries have maintained medium-speed or even high-speed economic growth in recent years, they still face the risk of economic recession, and this issue will become increasingly prominent in the future. From the perspective of national security, backward infrastructure, low quality of human capital, and the inability to overcome external dependence are all real problems and challenges. On the one hand, the Central Asian countries cannot do without Russia, and their economic ties continue to exist. They also play the role of a "buffer" for Russia to avoid sanctions. On the other hand, the excessive "binding" with Russia has brought more difficulties for them to integrate into the international economic system dominated by the West and has subjected them to greater external pressure. In Central Asian countries that have a strong economic dependence on Russia, the situation of high inflation, high unemployment, and low growth is very obvious. 

The cultures of Central Asian countries are diverse. To consolidate their sovereignty and independence, these countries have intensified the promotion of the cultures of their main ethnic groups, aiming to enhance their national pride and self-esteem. However, Russia and Western values are in sharp opposition, and the cognitive battles between the two sides have been escalating continuously, which has also complicated the public opinion environment within Central Asian countries. There are problems with their own national identity and cultural identity. In 2012, Kyrgyzstan formulated a national security concept, listing "the destruction of educational, spiritual and cultural potential" as one of the real threats it faced. On March 20, 2024, the "Kazakhstan Truth Newspaper" published an article emphasizing that "spiritual sovereignty is the foundation of Kazakhstan's national independence and security", although Kazakhstan is tolerant of religious beliefs and foreign cultures, it believes that it cannot harm Kazakhstan's national identity and public morality, and should cherish its unique cultural traditions.

II. The Impact of Major Powers' Geopolitical Games on Central Asia 

As a region with relatively weak security, the stability of Central Asia has always been difficult to escape the constraints of the foreign policies of major powers and the "hotspots" of conflicts in the surrounding areas. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Russia has maintained a special alliance relationship with the newly independent Central Asian countries and has special influence and a dominant position in the region. However, the United States, Europe, and Turkey are also expanding their influence in Central Asia through various means and continuously encroaching on Russia's sphere of influence. The Central Asian countries follow a policy of balancing with major powers, but developing partnerships with each major power simultaneously is difficult to achieve a complete balance. When the interests of all parties collide or conflict, the Central Asian countries have to adjust their policies, thus always being in a passive response position. From the perspective of future prospects, such adjustments will have to continue, and even an uncontrollable situation may occur, which is a severe test for these young countries.

(1) The stage for major powers' geopolitical games 

The Central Asian countries are geographically located between China, Russia, West Asia and South Asia. In terms of diplomacy, the choice of policies and the ability to maintain political stability have a direct impact on the strategic interests of neighboring major powers. External forces such as the United States and Europe have already seized a foothold in a series of important fields in the early days of the independence of these Central Asian countries, either by occupying a leading position in energy development, or by proposing grand plans in cross-border transportation. Of course, when providing assistance to these Central Asian countries, various political conditions are also attached. The reason why these global powers or regional strong countries are so "concerned" about this region is that Central Asia not only has economic advantages related to energy, transportation, and markets, but also has undeniable strategic value. They hope to use Central Asia to form certain competitive advantages against other major powers.

Among the largest group of competitors in Central Asia are Russia and the United States. Russia's greatest interest in Central Asia lies in ensuring that the region remains a reliable strategic "backyard" for it, free from interference by other countries. Because Central Asia is of great significance in protecting Russia's southern border from potential challenges from Afghanistan and neighboring unstable regions, it can serve as a security "barrier", so Russia believes that the instability and division in the region would directly affect Russia's geopolitical interests. Russia plays a leading role in preventing political instability, the growth of extremism and terrorist forces in Central Asia, but it cannot accept the full openness of Central Asian countries, especially in terms of economic and cultural independence and self-reliance. The United States began to intensify its penetration of Central Asian countries in the mid-to-late 1990s, funding various non-governmental organizations and promoting the political transformation of Central Asian countries. In fact, it intends to use the "color revolution" to make Central Asian countries break away from Russia and move towards a pro-Western path. The United States has established its influence in Central Asia and even developed military cooperation with Central Asian countries at the bilateral level and within the framework of NATO, with the aim of limiting Russia's military influence in Central Asia. 

Furthermore, countries adjacent to Central Asia such as Turkey, Iran, India, as well as Japan, South Korea in East Asia and Arab countries in West Asia, all leverage their respective advantages and actively develop cooperative relations with Central Asia in all aspects or in certain specific fields. Each of them also has clear geopolitical and economic goals. Due to the fact that major global powers and regional strong countries in the Central Asian region play a leading role in the regional institutional arrangements, and the implementation of many major multilateral projects in Central Asia also requires external investment, the autonomy of Central Asian countries is more reflected in the extent to which they conform to the will of external forces.

(2) Central Asian countries find it difficult to independently handle the complex situation. 

Central Asia is at the forefront of major power competition and is also a "convergence point" of various civilizations. Coupled with various historical grievances, complex ethnic and religious issues, there are relatively pessimistic assessments of Central Asia's security in the international community, namely the terms "fragmentation zone" and "turbulent arc". The former is a consequence of the rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the confrontation between the two camps. The latter is the regional manifestation of ethnic, religious conflicts, as well as extremist forces and terrorism. In fact, all of these are related to the geopolitical games of major powers. The regional security of Central Asia is closely related to changes in the international environment. On one hand, the rapidly changing world pattern provides opportunities for Central Asian countries to safeguard their independence and security. The acceleration of the multi-polarization process makes it easier for Central Asian countries to enter an open regional security system. On the other hand, as developing countries, the five Central Asian countries find it difficult to independently deal with various internal and external challenges, and are at a disadvantage in terms of security. 

After the outbreak of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, the geopolitical games played by major powers have made the security landscape in Central Asia even more complex. The United States and its allies have attempted to promote "camping" in order to suppress and isolate strategic rivals. The political pressure and double standards from Western countries, the severe division within the Central Asian society, and the advanced network information have made Central Asian countries prioritize the tasks of safeguarding regime security, social security, and network information security. In the new round of geopolitical games in Central Asia, there are more external forces involved, with stronger purposefulness. The competition fields have shifted from investment, transportation, and trade to politics, military, and cultural fields. For Central Asian countries, the problems that need to be addressed, the threats they need to cope with, the concepts they uphold, and the means they adopt all have mixed, diverse, and complex characteristics.

(3) The "Afghanistan Syndrome" poses severe challenges to the security of Central Asia. 

The "Afghanistan Syndrome" refers to the fact that the prolonged warfare has left Afghanistan and its neighboring countries with incurable traumas and problems. This not only makes the national reconciliation and political reconstruction in Afghanistan extremely delayed, but also poses severe security challenges to the surrounding regions, especially Central Asia. In the security landscape and geopolitical competition of Central Asia, Afghanistan has long played a significant role and has maintained close ties with both sides. In 2001, the United States and its NATO allies launched the "War on Terror" against Afghanistan and established a military presence in Central Asia, which aroused strong dissatisfaction and resolute countermeasures from Russia. As a result, the geopolitical rift in Central Asia expanded. On the one hand, the United States directly exerted political and economic influence on Central Asian countries. On the other hand, it used Afghanistan to conduct geopolitical propaganda. In 2009, the United States proposed the "New Strategy" for Afghanistan and Pakistan, followed by the "Greater Central Asia" strategy and the "New Silk Road" plan. These plans highlighted security and energy issues and took advantage of the realistic demands of Central Asian countries, which are located inland and hope to break out of their predicaments, to attempt to "attract" these countries to separate from China and Russia with attractive investment projects.

In 2020, during the "5+1" foreign ministers' meeting between the United States and Central Asian countries, a new strategy for Central Asia was proposed, covering a wide range of issues such as counter-terrorism, human rights, sovereignty, investment, and the issue of Afghanistan. It particularly emphasized the need to "balance" the influence of neighboring major powers. In 2021, the United States withdrew its troops from Afghanistan, but did not intend to reduce its political and economic presence in Central Asia. It even proposed to "give away" the withdrawn US military equipment to Central Asian countries and sought to restore military bases in Central Asia. This was strongly opposed by Russia, as it meant that the United States would replace Russia as the main guarantor of security in the Central Asian region. However, this region has traditionally been within Russia's sphere of influence, and Russia will not accept such a geopolitical reality. 

Furthermore, the impact of the "Afghanistan Syndrome" on the security of Central Asia is also manifested in cross-border criminal activities related to drug trafficking, as well as extremism, terrorism, and the refugee issue. After the Taliban regained power in 2021, they did not take effective measures to restrict extremist organizations within their territory. Reports from the United Nations indicate that the Taliban still maintain contact with the "Al-Qaeda" organization and provide refuge for its leaders. Some terrorist organizations operate within the Afghan territory and even launch attacks on Central Asia. Tajikistan President Rahmon stated at the 2022 SCO summit that there are approximately 40 terrorist organization camps and 6,000 armed personnel in the northeastern part of Afghanistan, which is adjacent to Central Asia. A "security belt" should be established around Afghanistan.

III. Strategies and Practices of Central Asian Countries in Safeguarding Security in the New Trend 

After the outbreak of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, the Central Asian countries did not take sides and did not participate in the sanctions against Russia. In response to this, Western countries did not harshly criticize the Central Asian countries. The aim was to divide the relationship between the Central Asian countries and Russia, and encourage the Central Asian countries to "de-Russianize". The Central Asian countries, out of the need to safeguard their own security and continue cooperation with Western countries, also began to distance themselves from Russia. However, in terms of security, they still cannot do without reliance on Russia. This is mainly manifested in maintaining a military alliance with Russia at the bilateral level and within the framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, and maintaining the existing regional security system. In addition, some regional powers also took the opportunity to expand their influence. Especially Turkey, Iran, India, and other countries also sought to strengthen security interactions with the Central Asian countries, resulting in subtle changes in the security landscape of the Central Asia.

(1) Adhering to a balanced national security strategy

Due to differences in economic and military strength, as well as varying geographical conditions and surrounding environments, the five Central Asian countries have different focuses in safeguarding their own security. However, there are still many similarities in the national security strategies of the five Central Asian countries, which generally include the following aspects: 

First, all countries advocate resolving conflicts and disputes between nations through non-violent means, claiming that they have no territorial claims against any country and oppose using war or threats of force to achieve political, economic and other goals. Second, all countries have stated that they do not possess, produce or spread nuclear weapons, chemical weapons, biological weapons and other types of weapons of mass destruction, and adhere to the principle of not being the first to use weapons of mass destruction. Third, it emphasizes supporting various measures and efforts to enhance mutual trust in the military field, reduce military forces and armaments. Fourth, it regards countries that do not harm their own interests and abide by the UN Charter as its partners. Fifth, it believes that internal political harmony and economic development are reliable foundations for national security, and emphasizes the rational utilization of natural and human resources and the protection of the ecological environment. 

As the situation changes, the Central Asian countries are constantly adjusting and improving their own security strategies. For instance, in June 2021, against the backdrop of the rampant COVID-19 pandemic, the President of Kazakhstan, Tokayev, issued the "National Security Strategy 2021-2025", giving special attention to biological security, information security and financial security. The President of Uzbekistan, Mirziyoyev, specifically approved the "National Strategy for Combating Extremism and Terrorism 2021-2026", placing greater emphasis on preventing the infiltration and threats of religious extremist forces in the region after the withdrawal of the US troops.

(2) Actively participate in regional and international multilateral cooperation 

Due to their relatively small territory and population, limited economic and military resources, and the reliance on external support for their own security and economic growth, Central Asian countries not only do not have sufficient strength to exert significant influence on global processes, but are more prone to being influenced by major powers during their national development. Therefore, they can only rely on extensive international or multilateral cooperation, or cooperate with more powerful partners to ensure their own security. They tend to utilize international organizations to make up for their weaknesses, actively participate in multilateral mechanisms, establish stable diplomatic partnerships with major powers, and protect their own interests. All Central Asian countries advocate joining international institutions that can effectively guarantee their independence and security and signing relevant international documents. They hope to form a complete guarantee system by reaching a series of bilateral agreements with neighboring countries and welcome influential major powers or international organizations in the world to provide guarantees for the security of Central Asia. In the event of internal unrest, Central Asian countries also need to rely on external forces to restore order. For example, after the "January Uprising" in Kazakhstan in 2022, its leader sought help from the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) at the earliest opportunity.

Facing the severe international security situation, the Central Asian countries have been continuously strengthening their security cooperation among themselves, believing that the collective strength is greater than the individual strength. In December 2021, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan signed the "Treaty on the Alliance Relationship" and the "Treaty on Border Delimitation", indicating the determination of the two Central Asian powerhouses to strengthen cooperation in maintaining regional security. This is an important diplomatic attempt among the Central Asian countries. However, the imbalance in regional political and economic development, especially the lack of economic complementarity and the different external threats they face, will make the security cooperation among the Central Asian countries very fragile. Due to the short period of independence of the five Central Asian countries, during the process of consolidating sovereignty, their security policies are more focused on internal issues within the region, and they are more likely to seek the help of major powers or international organizations to achieve security in the face of external threats.

The Central Asian countries aim to ensure their national security through extensive international cooperation and solve regional and international issues that they cannot handle alone. For the international community, Central Asia also holds extraordinary appeal. Various multilateral processes have actively included the countries of this region. The Central Asian countries not only participated in the multilateral mechanisms led by Russia, such as the Eurasian Economic Union, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, and the Commonwealth of Independent States, but also became members of the "Turkic States Organization" promoted by Turkey. They also initiated the "5+1" meeting mechanism with many major powers including China, the United States, Russia, Japan, India, and Germany, to carry out international cooperation on regional economic development and security stability.

(3) Strengthen security cooperation with China 

China is closely linked with the Central Asian countries, sharing common interests in security matters. There is a solid foundation for cooperation. In April 1996, China, along with the three neighboring Central Asian countries - Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, as well as Russia, signed the "Agreement on Strengthening Military Confidence in the Border Areas" in Shanghai, officially launching the "Shanghai Five" mechanism and beginning to build a new security cooperation relationship on the basis of mutual equality. Specifically, the security cooperation between the two sides includes the following main aspects: 

Firstly, strengthening the coordination of security policies indicates a common stance on regional and international security issues, which is the foundation for conducting bilateral security cooperation and military exchanges. Secondly, signing relevant cooperation documents provides legal basis for security cooperation. China and Central Asian countries have signed the "Shanghai Convention" "Anti-Terrorism Convention" "Anti-Extremism Convention" and other documents to combat "three types of forces" within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Thirdly, conducting joint military operations and training, holding strategic consultations, maintaining close personnel exchanges, holding joint exercises within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and bilateral cooperation, fully leveraging the role of the regional anti-terrorism agency based in Tashkent, helping Central Asian countries enhance their defense capabilities, and strengthening cooperation in responding to regional security challenges. 

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Central Asian countries over 30 years ago, cooperation in the security field has become increasingly extensive. Through security cooperation at both bilateral and multilateral levels, not only can military mutual trust be enhanced, and exchanges between military and law enforcement personnel be intensified, but also a stable cooperation and consultation mechanism has been established, jointly maintaining regional stability and peace. China supports the security initiatives of Central Asian countries such as establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone, takes into account their special interests concerns, and advocates resolving conflicts and contradictions between countries through dialogue and negotiation.

During their meetings with Chinese leaders, the leaders of Central Asian countries all emphasized their support for the global security initiative proposed by China. In the newly signed bilateral "Joint Statement", the section on security cooperation has been moved forward in the document compared to previous versions, and additional content on maintaining political and regime security has been added, expressing a firm opposition to external interference. Both sides advocate further strengthening coordination on global and regional peace and cooperation issues, and expanding cooperation within multilateral frameworks such as the United Nations, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Europe, and the China-Central Asia Five-Party Meeting (C5+1). China supports the various security initiatives proposed by Central Asian countries at the United Nations and jointly promotes global biosecurity governance. 

In May 2023, the "Xi'an Declaration" issued at the first China-Central Asia Summit explicitly stated that all parties support the establishment of a peaceful, open, safe, cooperative and orderly cyberspace within the framework of the "Global Data Security Initiative", jointly implement the "Data Security Cooperation Initiative for 'China + Central Asia Five Countries'" well, jointly promote the negotiation and formulation of a comprehensive international convention on combating the use of information and communication technologies for criminal purposes under the auspices of the United Nations, and jointly address the threats and challenges to global information security. This indicates that the cooperation between the two sides in the field of security is continuously expanding, and in the digital era, strengthening coordination and interaction, jointly building a China-Central Asia community with a shared future characterized by mutual assistance, common development, universal security, and lasting friendship. The security cooperation practices of both sides have set an example for Central Asian countries to independently choose their own development paths, establish new types of relations of mutual equality and respect with major powers, and break free from the vortex of geopolitical games, and have demonstrated a model.

IV. Conclusion

The uniqueness of security in Central Asia lies in the following aspects: First, the countries in Central Asia are located in the interior and have very close connections among each other. Most security challenges are regional and transnational in nature. Second, the regional security pattern is in a state of flux, and the multilateral security mechanisms are basically dominated by major powers. Third, security threats are intertwined both internally and externally. Internal issues are more significant than external challenges. Social divisions and ethnic, religious issues may all trigger unrest. Fourth, non-traditional security threats are greater than traditional security threats. "three forces" namely terrorism, extremism, separatism, and drug smuggling, which are related to the hotspots in the surrounding areas, are the main threats to regional stability. Fifth, the new security challenges deserve attention, which such as environmental security, cyber security, financial security, and energy security have become increasingly urgent. 

In recent years, geopolitical games among major powers and the intensification of conflicts in the surrounding areas have directly impacted the stability of Central Asia. Russia, the United States, the European Union, India, Turkey, and other countries all hope to establish their own geopolitical influence in Central Asia and formulate strategic plans against their competitors. Although Russia has stronger action capabilities through the Collective Security Treaty Organization, other major powers are also constantly penetrating into Central Asia. The United States once achieved military presence in Central Asian countries through counter-terrorism in Afghanistan, and even after withdrawing from Afghanistan in 2021, it has not given up Central Asia. After the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the confrontation between Russia and the West has escalated in all aspects, and Central Asian countries are facing even more severe external pressure.

Due to their own insufficient strength, Central Asian countries are increasingly emphasizing regional cooperation and actively participating in various international organizations and multilateral mechanisms, in order to safeguard their own security and escape the passive and subordinate position in the geopolitical games of major powers. Firstly, they hope to establish partnerships with all major powers through "balanced diplomacy", not relying solely on any one major power; secondly, they hope to form a mechanism for equal dialogue with major powers by leveraging the collective power of the region; thirdly, in the context of the escalating conflict between major powers due to the Russia-Ukraine issue, they clearly avoid taking sides and hope to promote peace and negotiation, avoiding damage to their own interests; fourthly, they hope to enhance their international status through new mechanisms such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, and jointly build a new regional order with neighboring major powers, adhering to the principle of openness, not targeting any third party, and firmly opposing external interference in domestic affairs.

While strengthening cooperation in the security field with Central Asian countries, China is also simultaneously promoting cooperation in other fields. Both sides actively build regional community of shared future, becoming a model of equal cooperation among major and minor countries and achieving good neighborly relations. Both sides take the foreign policy of the head of state as the strategic guidance, enhance security mutual trust, improve the political and legal basis of bilateral cooperation, and from the cooperation mechanism to the interaction platform and then to the partnership network, benefit the entire region. Both sides closely cooperate in international affairs, oppose hegemonism and power politics, support each other's core interests, firmly resist external interference, and jointly maintain regional stability. Through multiple multilateral frameworks such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, China and Central Asian cooperation mechanisms, expand the space for cooperation, continuously consolidate and deepen good neighborly relations, and welcome a new picture of jointly promoting peace and sharing prosperity among China and the five Central Asian countries. (Author: Sun Zhuangzhi, Director and Researcher of the Institute of Russia, Eastern Europe and Central Asia, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)